|Ezekiel’s Years: In the Thirtieth Year:
13 June 1967
“The word of Yehuveh came expressly unto Ezekiel. . . .”
|13 June 1967:
Thirtieth year, fourth month, fifth day 30y 4m 5d
Based on 9 June 1967 = 4m 1d with moon at 1%.
Verse 2: Since the Fifth Year of captivity = 1967-1968,
it follows that the first year of captivity = 1963-1964.
All the remaining dates are counted from 1963-1964.
Summary: On 13 June 1967 Russia boldly set out to assist the Arab nations in their warfare against Israel. They openly provided weaponry, amunition, aircraft, and personal trainers.
Study all of the first chapter of Ezekiel, with commentary, for more insights.
|Scriptural Reference: Ezekiel 1:1-2.
“Now it came to pass in the thirtieth year, in the fourth month, in the fifth day of the month, as I was among the captives by the river of Chebar, that the heavens were opened, and I saw visions of Elohim.
“In the fifth day of the month, which was the fifth year of king Jehoiachin’s captivity”
History and Related Events: Israel’s Six-Day War, June 5-10, 1967, totally changed the physical and political situation in the Middle East. But in a broader arena, it illicited immediate international action.
“On the afternoon of June 13, following confirmation of the cease-fires, [Nikolai] Federenko [the Soviet Union’s delegate to the United Nations] in the Security Council made plain his government’s intention to retrieve by diplomacy what the Arabs had failed to accomplish by war. Cease-fire agreements alone were not enough, the Russian insisted; Israel must be condemned, and ordered to withdraw unconditionally to the 1949 armistice lines. Federenko warned, too, that inaction by the Security Council would make it ‘necessary to seek other ways and means to see to it that the United Nations does its duty under the Charter.’ This was by far Federenko’s toughest speech. Yet it hardly unsettled the representatives of the other Great Powers; if the Russians had not intervened during the actual fighting, it seemed unlikely that they would take military steps once hostilities had ended. The Americans, particularly, were determined that their support of Israel, which had been embarrassingly ineffectual in the critical weeks before the war, should at least not be found wanting after Israel had resolved an agonizing international crisis and defended its security by its own efforts and blood. ‘If ever there were a prescription for renewed hostilities,’ insisted Goldberg, ‘the Soviet draft resolution is that prescription.’ The United States delegate went on to argue that the one feasible solution was encouragement of ‘agreements between the parties’ themselves, and for this the Council had ‘an urgent obligation to facilitate [such agreements] and to help build an atmosphere in which fruitful discussions will be possible.’ From the outset, then, the line between the Soviet and the American views was drawn.
“On June 14, only four delegations supported Federenko’s proposal to condemn Israel. The rest abstained. The next paragraph of the Soviet resolution, urging withdrawal from occupied territory, gained only six votes. In its final meeting that same afternoon, the Council achieved its one show of unanimity on a rather pallid resolution asking observance of the Geneva Convention toward war prisoners on both sides, the exchange of war refugees, and humane treatment of conquered populations. Whereupon, angered by his lack of success, Federenko tried a new approach. He requested U Thant to order the General Assembly into special session. The precedent of bypassing the Security Council in favor of the larger body actually had been set in the Korean War of 1950, and was later used in resolving the Hungarian and Suez crises of 1956. In 1950, ironically, it was the United States that had initiated the technique in order to circumvent the Soviet veto. Now it was to be invoked by the Soviet Union, and over the protests of the United States, in an apparent effort to mobilize the Afro-Asian bloc against Israel.
Originally Written: 16 August 2007
Latest Update: 4 November 2007
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